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hg988.com How the "powder pail" in East Asia was made in depth: the Korean peninsula between the great powers

How the "powder pail" in East Asia was made in depth: the Korean peninsula between the great powers

Source: Time: 2020-01-07 18:14:13

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Editor of this issue: Wu Youlan
Author = Zhang Xiaogang, Guoyu
Source = Journal of Wuhan University
In 1894, Japan furiously launched the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 in order to realize its ambitious "strategic strategy". In a sense, the Sino-Japanese War of the Sino-Japanese War was the superficial manifestation of the internal contradictions among China, Japan, North Korea, and Russia. In Northeast Asia, the contention of interests around North Korea and Northeast China has a long history. In the name of defending North Korea ’s independence, Japan has continuously challenged the traditional patriarchal relations between China and North Korea since the “document issue” between Japan and North Korea; Russia has seized a large area east of the Ussuri River in 1860, and has been in Northeast China. His vision of aggression also aimed at the Korean peninsula, and directly competed with Japan in places such as "Hua Tai". Japan's fear of falling behind on the road of expansion and stepping up its efforts to seize control of the Korean peninsula has further intensified the conflict between Japan and the Qing. The nations of Northeast Asia frightened each other and warned each other, making the situation in Northeast Asia complicated during this period. The rise and fall of the forces of various parties, and the contradictory evolution of each other, are deeply related to the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War.
Conflicts between Japan and North Korea, Japan and Qing, and Russia and Russia
The contradiction between Japan and North Korea after the Meiji Restoration began with the "document problem" between Japan and North Korea. At the end of 1868, the Tsuen Ma Fan, who had always been responsible for diplomacy with the DPRK, arrived in North Korea. In the "question book deed" before the submission of the "Wang Zheng retro notice", the old title of "Japan's patriarch to the state of Maori to pick up a peace" was changed, and "Major left Japanese defender Ma Shouping's court minister Yida was used." "And used a new seal in the subsequent" Wang Zheng Retro Notice ". In response to this, the North Korean side responded strongly, saying that "not only is the island title different from the previous one, but the sentence of the royal family in the sentence is extremely contradictory ... The island owner's self-forging has suddenly been described as a stamp, "It's also shocking," saying it refused to accept Japanese official instruments. For North Korea, Japan ’s unilateral adjustments to the old diplomatic model are “acts that have not been done for three hundred years. However, the rate of our two states is based on the old chapters, and we always think of them as good, and it ’s impeccable. , The inviolability of the treaty, then today's thing is called integrity, the treaty is almost. " North Korea's accusation of "no letter and no agreement" behind Japan also implies a vigilance against Japan's "emphasis of emperor".
As far as Japan's position is concerned, after the Meiji Restoration, in Japan, both in the field of foreign affairs and in the field of internal affairs, the unification of the subject under the absolutist tendency was an established reform policy. By dealing with the "Kobe Incident" and the "堺 Incident", the Meiji government promised that the treaty concluded in the name of Shogun will be inherited in the name of the Emperor. This made the Meiji government quickly obtain confirmation from the Western countries of the Meiji government's qualifications as a diplomatic subject before the Wuchen War.
After "Edo Kaijo", ministers of various countries successively met the Emperor in Tokyo, presented the credential, and after the consultations revoked the neutrality since the "Wuchen War." The emperor's qualifications as the sole subject of diplomacy are recognized by all countries. The relationship between Japan and the DPRK, which was an important part of the "monarch diplomacy system" of the Edo shogunate era, runs counter to the efforts of the Meiji government to quickly realize the unity of diplomatic subjects. At the same time, the feudal nature of Japan-DPRK diplomacy conducted with the Ma Fan as its intermediary also runs counter to the increasingly authoritarian Japanese regime. It is against this background that Tsu Ma, who has always been good at negotiating with North Korea, had to abandon the letter originally recognized by the North Korean side, and emphasized in the document that "the court special sacrifice the old honour, Jiajue entered the rank of Major General Zuo Jinwei, He is more communicative, immortal, and has a seal of proof. "It shows that his diplomatic authority came from the" grant "of the emperor, and he actually gave up his status as a" foreign minister "of North Korea.
The conflict pattern between Japan and North Korea is the conflict between keeping to the old tradition and opening up a new situation. It is also the conflict between two completely different diplomatic concepts. This kind of conflict was not uncommon in Northeast Asia in the 19th century, and its ending mostly etched the imprint of the times: power and force dominated the basic trend of the international pattern, and the big ships and artillery determined the basic relationship between countries. Japan, which seeks to change the old relationship between Japan and North Korea, opened its country under the threat of the "black ship". At the same time that it needs to break through the end of Japan-DPRK diplomacy, Japan also has to consider threats from other powers, and the most direct threat comes from Russia.
The "Beijing Treaty" concluded by China and Russia in 1860 led to a confrontation between Russia and Japan across the Sea of Japan. Immediately after, the Russian warships occupied Tsushima, and Tsushima failed to resolve this. They even proposed to abandon Tsushima. Requested the Shogunate to reseal Kyushu. It was not until the Shoguns asked for British intervention that Russia's attempt failed. In fact, this Russian action was in response to the British survey of the coast of Malaysia as early as 1859, and the Russian officials who occupied Tsushima had publicized the British ambitions to Tsushima. The British intervention in Russia's occupation was nothing more than to prevent Russia from gaining strength in the Far East and to seek benefits for itself. The British Minister even claimed that "they protested against the illegal actions of Russian warships and forced withdrawal. If Russia refuses, Britain will come by itself Occupy the place. " The incident was "a symbol of the serious international relations surrounding Japan, and its severity even made people predict that Japan's land would be divided up." Later, the conflict between Japan and Russia on the "Bai Tai" issue gradually materialized, responding to Russia's threat and occupying a place in the battle for interests of the Northeast Asian powers, which became one of the main factors affecting the foreign policy decision of the Meiji government.
Oku Polycom (middle)
In his letter to Iwakura in November of the Meiji year, Okubo Litong said, "The truth of Tang Tai (Hua Tai) is a major problem today, and it is also difficult for Yu to sleep and eat." In the letter, Okubo suggested that Kuroda Kiyotaka, who was the former foreign affairs power general, was a full-time military chief and a full-time army affairs officer. Kuroda was not in full service before the full moon, and Okubo suggested to Iwakura that he be the second officer in charge of development and be responsible for the "Huatai" affairs. After Kuroda came to office, he proposed to use military means to respond to Russia's "offensive" on the "Bai Tai" issue. He believed that "the court should plan for a war with Lu (Russia) and could send students to serve as spies. Planning this war, Human and financial resources are really two fundamentals. " In Japan at the time, the conditions of "human and financial resources" required by Kuroda for planning a war with Russia were simply not available. Kuroda has also gradually revised his position to the "Huatai abandonment theory" to ensure priority development in Hokkaido. Russia's aggressive posture in northern Japan and its expansion in northeastern China have made Japan extremely concerned that Russia may eventually infiltrate its power into the Korean peninsula. As early as October of the Meiji year, Charles Descantons de Montblanc, then a French official (consul general) in Japan, warned the secretary of state Ze Xuanjia: In the eastern territories of Kaita, Nagasaki will be more directly adjacent to the mainland (both facing the Russian forces directly). When the foregoing situation comes, the Great Japan will also become Kaita today. "
Out of vigilance that the Russian forces were expected to move southward, the Japanese "field of vigilance against exposure" inside and outside the country has been clamoring for a while. Liu Yuan Qianguang stated in his "Draft of North Korea" that "in recent years, countries in other countries (North Korea) have glimpsed their national conditions, such as those in Rusia (Russia), who have eaten the northeast of Manchuria and are bound to swallow North Korea." In May of the 3rd year of Meiji, the Ministry of Defense of the Ministry of Defense of the People's Republic of China had proposed "the proposal to create a large navy". In the proposal for the plan, Russia's intention to go southward was stated. North Korea's borders are contiguous, oppressing the northern borders of the imperial kingdom, China, and North Korea ... if it can't stop its desire to go south, this will be the great harm of two continents. " In April of the Meiji year, Iwakura Shizuki also mentioned in his "Statement Opinion" his concern about Russia's annexation of North Korea: "If Russia annexes it with its turbulent power, our country will be threatened by Russia. The impact of the situation is huge. "
In addition to the above-mentioned arguments of "alerts to Russia" surrounding North Korea, it is particularly important to note the "North Korean diplomatic report" submitted by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Tai Poli in September of the Meiji year. It states, "Even if it is not possible to make North Korea a vassal of the dynasty (Japan), its national vein should be maintained forever. Today, as of Rusia (Russia), all powerful nations regard North Korea as fish. At this time, the public law of the nations can be maintained To save those who help Fusui, there is no country other than the dynasty. This is an urgent need. Once the security of North Korea is put at risk, it will be devastated by the imperial kingdom forever if it is swallowed by a powerful country such as the Lu (Russia) wolf. ". In the report of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the expectation of North Korea's status, whether it is "the vassal of the imperial dynasty" or "the country will remain the same forever," apparently conflicted with North Korea's actual status in international relations in East Asia at that time. There is no "familial relationship" between North Korea and Japan, and the "state will never change." Considering the actual situation between North Korea and the Qing government, it is understood that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs hopes that North Korea will not be attacked by other powers. In the expectations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a "independent" North Korea with no "fandom" relationship with the Qing government is more in the interest of Japan.
Although at the time of the "Janghua Island Incident" that followed, Foreign Minister Shaosuke Mori once argued that "Although North Korea is a country, the land is not subject to China. Therefore, China did not interfere in its internal affairs, and it interfered with foreign countries. Listening to the other country ’s autonomy cannot be equal. From the perspective of this, North Korea is an independent country and your country is utterly empty. ”But in fact, Japan, which is also under the political culture of East Asia, The vassal relationship between the DPRKs is fully understood. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs had proposed the "three measures" to resolve the DPRK issue as early as the three years of the Meiji era. Outside the opening of the market, he proposed the method of "sending an envoy to Chinna first, signing a communication treaty, and then returning to North Korea (by treaty) forcing him to return". I hope to obtain diplomatic status on par with the Qing government first, and then use this to gain an advantage in diplomatic status with North Korea. If Japan does not fully understand China-DPRK relations, it is obviously impossible to propose such a solution. In fact, this was also Japan's first choice to deal with North Korea's diplomacy at the time.
Regarding Sino-DPRK relations, Takayuki Muto also asked Iwakura to consider the North Korean issue after the "Janghwa Island Incident", saying that "North Korea and China are now in their righteousness, although they are close to each other. The mutual concern about the adversity cannot be known, but it is necessary to have a custody relationship. " Obviously, Japan wants to make North Korea a "father of the dynasty" or keep its "national immortality" in order to cope with the possibility of being engulfed by "powerhouses such as Lu (Russia) wolves", and the Qing government's Friction is inevitable. In fact, before Japan and North Korea went to the brink of war because of the "Janghua Island Incident", the Japanese side had already prepared for a possible Japan-DPRK and even Japan-China war.
In 1873 (six years of the Meiji era), the then-senior army general Nishigo Takamori retired from discussions with Deputy Secretary of Foreign Affairs Shigeru and Senator Itagaki. At the same time, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs also made the ten-ranked official Shishiro Ikegami, Masahiro Takeshi, and Peng Chengzhongping, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, went to Manzhou to investigate the terrain, politics, armaments, finances, and customs of Manchuria. " When Pengcheng Zhongping traveled to the northeast of China, his investigation involved a very wide range of contents. He mentioned that General Sheng Jing "concentrated on military politics" in the "Stagnation of the Qing Dynasty", but at the same time, Pengcheng Zhongping also repeatedly talked about "Senior government officials spend much time on military preparations, while soldiers die lazily." Regarding Niuzhuang, which has already opened a port, Pengcheng Zhongping had a detailed understanding of it. “The Niuzhuang, the port of Qing Dynasty, is the estuary of Haigou County in Haicheng County under the jurisdiction of Fengtianfu ... called Yingkou”, Regarding the defense of Yingkou, Pengcheng Zhongping also conducted an investigation. "There is a barracks with a standing force of 500 people. It is divided into ten teams, and each team has 50 members. The captain is a man. The captains are full of people ... the weapons, cannons, guns, bows, and other weapons they hold are all old Western models. "It is particularly worth noting that Pengcheng Zhongping is investigating the geography of Yingkou and surrounding areas. He specifically mentioned that "(Yingkou) is four hundred miles away from Jinzhou City and 490 miles away from Xiaoping Island under the jurisdiction of Jinzhou City. From this island to Shandong Zhizhi Ferry, it will be one day downwind. After the Yingkou Port was frozen in winter Ferry communication can still be done here. "With full force investigation and preparation, it is not surprising that Japan forcibly opened the door of North Korea by means of gunboat diplomacy.
The rise and fall of the Japanese and Qing forces on the Korean Peninsula
After the "Janghua Island Incident", Japan and North Korea signed the "Japan and North Korea Repair Regulations." Its first paragraph states that "the state of independence of the DPRK has the right to equality with Japan." The title of "autonomous state" is, on the one hand, the inevitable requirement of Japan's pursuit of modernization of diplomacy, and also the fundamental basis for the establishment of the "Japanese and Korean Regulations"; but at the same time, it ignores North Korea's actual diplomatic status and "creates" North Korea's "autonomous state." The illusion of "" is precisely the biggest purpose of the "Japanese and Korean Regulations". The Japanese government originally proposed the "three strategies for the DPRK" in order to resolve the "interruption" of the "Japan-DPRK diplomatic relations", and finally adopted "gunboat diplomacy". Under the premise that the three countries did not reach a consensus on the status of North Korea, they forcibly Reconstruction of "Japan-DPRK diplomatic relations" in the form of a treaty. The "Japan-DPRK diplomatic relations" premised on damage to China-DPRK relations directly led to a fierce confrontation between the Japanese government and the Qing government on the Korean issue.
If the expression of "autonomous state" is established, the original vassal relationship between China and North Korea will inevitably be damaged. This is something the Qing government would never want to see. Almost at the same time, from the standpoint of its own strength, Japan and Russia reached the "Kata Tai and Thousand Islands Exchange Treaty", abandoning "Kata Tai Island" and reached temporary coordination of Japan-Russia relations. The relaxation of Japan-Russia relations has made the Qing government a major opponent of Japan's impediment to the expansion of North Korea. And how to realize the "Japan and North Korea repair the rules and regulations" and concrete the "independent state" of North Korea has become a very important subject in Japanese diplomacy. When discussing the specific matters of Incheon's opening of the port with Jin Hongji, the Hanbok Yizhi, who was the minister of the DPRK at that time, emphasized to him "the desire of our government to protect North Korea, and the desire for prosperity and strength with North Korea." The so-called "independent state" is nothing but a lie under the "meaning" of "protecting North Korea", and the concreteness of the "independent state" is nothing more than completely abandoning the influence of the Qing government in the DPRK, so that North Korea, under Japan's wings, has become a strategic buffer zone between Japan and Russia. This point was explained more directly in the report submitted by Yoshihide Hanabe to Secretary of State Inoue Inoue on negotiations with Jin Hongji. Huafang Yizhi said that "It is important for me (Japan) to help him (North Korea) be completely independent", and "if he can interfere with his country's political axis and diplomatic strategy, his (North Korea) must no longer be wholly dependent on other countries. Situation. " Hana ’s proposal was considered as Japan ’s main policy toward North Korea after the signing of the “Russian and Korean Regulations”. In short, this policy is to achieve North Korea's "clearance of pro-Japanese". To this end, Japan, on the one hand, took advantage of the timing of North Korean envoys to Japan, and vigorously demonstrated the results of Japan's modernization, and cultivated pro-Japanese in the North Korean government; The various agreements will speed up the process of opening ports in Busan, Incheon, and Wonsan. North Korea's opening of the port was not only due to Japan's consideration of expanding its influence in the DPRK, but also a means to prevent Russia's expansion into North Korea. In addition to trying to promote North Korea to open a port, the Japanese side is also trying to achieve the political purpose of "envoys stationed in Beijing", trying to start from the center of North Korea and exert influence on the North Korean government. In this regard, Huafang Yizhi referred to the "envoy in Beijing" as the "most important thing" in the negotiations with Jin Hongji, and threatened that the US envoy would soon go to Beijing to negotiate with North Korea. Russia also has such a plan, saying "If Japan's envoys are stationed in the capital, Japan's envoys will be able to properly deal with it after their envoys arrive in the capital." Under the persecution of Japan, North Korea had to agree to the Japanese "diplomat stationed in Beijing". Japan became the first country to have officials and embassies in North Korea. After spending time in Seoul, Hana Yoshiba actively carried out activities, met with North Korean dignitaries, and publicized the need for Japan and North Korea to approach. While giving weapons to North Korea, he also asked North Korea to hire Japanese military advisers, establish Japanese-style troops, and send them to Japan. International students. The North Korean side also formally hired Eimoto Reizo as a military instructor, and established the "Deliberate Army". However, this Japanese-style army, which differs from the traditional army in terms of equipment and treatment, not only did not make the relationship between Japan and North Korea closer, but also became the fuse of the Renwu army change that caused the turmoil in North Korea.
The expansion of Japan ’s influence in the DPRK. As mentioned earlier, although there are considerations in advance to respond to the situation in which the Russian forces are expected to invade the Korean peninsula southward, they are more trying to subvert the traditional relationship between China and the DPRK. Create a North Korea that "shares prosperity with Japan" and is under the "protection" of Japan. This not only aroused the vigilance and dissatisfaction of the Qing government, it was also difficult to obtain the support of public opinion and public opinion in North Korea. Against this background, the occurrence of the "Renwu military change" as a self-resistance of North Korea against the invasion of Japanese forces seems logical. This contingent event, with its inevitable factors, gave the Qing government, which was looking for an opportunity to fight back Japan's expansion, an opportunity. After receiving the report from the Minister of the People's Republic of China, Li Yichang, that the quality of the flower room had been escorted back by the Japanese army and navy, on June 24, Guangxu (August 7, 1882), Zhang Shusheng, acting minister of the North Sea, declared "Japan Now sending troops, it ’s still difficult to understand the situation. North Korea has long been under the vassal of the imperial court, and it should have sent troops to protect the imperial court. Japan is a country with a treaty in China, and it should be guarded by the police in North Korea. Famous and conspirable. " Subsequent Prime Minister Kojimon claimed that he would send a soldier for protection. "The Japanese conspired to dictatorship, and there were a lot of Japanese courtiers who were attached to the Japanese. Now that the civil strife has begun, the Japanese soldiers suddenly arrived. They may be replaced by the guilty division first. The chaos, the people with the Japanese side took the opportunity to control, so that Japan's contribution to North Korea, but the Chinese character is small, and the Japanese have become more reckless. "As the Prime Minister Yamen said, Zhang Shusheng compromised" The meaning of "conspiracy" is self-evident. In response to this, the Qing government quickly sent troops into the DPRK, showing a very clear attitude, the main purpose of which is to "prevent Japan from taking the opportunity to expand control of the Korean Peninsula, and" send protection to North Korea "and" protection of Japan ". While proclaiming the image of the suzerain state, it also effectively safeguarded the interests of the Qing government in North Korea. "
The Renwu military change was an accident, and the Japanese military had no plans to prepare for it. Although Kuroda Kiyotaka and Vice Island Takahashi tended to go to war with the DPRK, the court did not support the war theory in the end. It is also because the Japanese government is inadequate to prepare for the use of force and to resolve the Renwu military change, Japan's foreign policy has to "hold the tough attitude of government authorities on the one hand, and regard peaceful settlement as the basic policy on the other." Hana Yoshiyuki brought Inoue Xin's instructions to the DPRK for negotiations under the support of heavy soldiers. In the "Jeriverpool Treaty" and subsequent "Contract Renewal" signed later, in addition to the time limit for catching the murderer and the amount of compensation, Japan basically The preset negotiation goal was achieved. But even so, the Renwu military change was still an event that greatly weakened its influence in North Korea for Japan. By rapidly pacifying the Renwu military change, the Qing government announced the status of its suzerain powerfully. The "China-DPRK Merchants Water and Land Commerce Charter" signed with the DPRK further raised the influence and control of the Qing government on North Korea to an unprecedented level. Situation. Japan, which had taken the initiative to adjust Japan-DPRK relations, began to lose its "first mover" advantage on the Korean Peninsula. Faced with this situation, Japan has also begun to adjust its policy toward the DPRK. This adjustment was summarized by Minister of Foreign Affairs Inoue Inoue as "positive" and "negative" strategies, and "building strength within me is my secretive aid; externally, it is necessary for countries to confirm their independence and independence" and "if they cannot be restrained" The intervention of the Qing government tolerated what it did to maintain peace between Japan and the Qing and Toyo ", and Japan had to make a favorable choice based on the situation. Compared with the previous aggressive "it is important that I (Japan) help him (North Korea) be completely independent"), at this time Japan also "have to temporarily take the aforementioned negative policy and think that the overall situation of maintaining peace in the East is a perfect strategy." Right Minister Iwakura Takashi proposed at this time to respond to the new situation of Sino-DPRK vassal relations through the means of "shall agree with the countries concerned to reach a consensus that North Korea is independent". But in fact, before the "Munwu Military Revolution", the "North Korea and the United States Repair Treaty" led by the Qing government failed to make an agreement on North Korea's "Independent State" as in the "Japanese and North Korea Repair Regulations". Most countries also signed treaties with North Korea based on the "North Korea and the United States Repair Treaty" rather than the "Japan and North Korea Repair Regulations" as a model. "North Korea's independence" is not just a publicly recognized "consensus". In fact, most countries also appoint their diplomatic envoys in China to serve as diplomatic envoys in North Korea from a pragmatic perspective. Japan hopes to create a "Korean Independence State" that is recognized. When its attempt to participate in DPRK-US diplomacy fails, it is almost destined not to appear.
Unlike the Western powers, Russia's formal entry into the Korean peninsula appears to have been long overdue. It wasn't until July 1884 that his consul in Tianjin, Weibel, mediated through Mu Linde's secret mediation and went to North Korea to sign the "North Korea-Russia Repair Trade Treaty." But unlike most Western countries that have a wait-and-see attitude on the North Korean issue, for North Korea, "its interests have not been directly damaged by Russia at this time, and there is no actual major conflict between North and Russia. In addition, Russia will not only help North Korea get rid of the Qing government, but also play a role as a spurring force on the Qing. At the same time, its value in the containment of British and Japanese forces is self-evident. "
The signing of the "Treaty-Russia Treaty on Repairing Trade" is an attempt by the DPRK to seek diplomatic autonomy. This "autonomous" effort also reflects from the reverse the Qing government's continuous control and influence on the DPRK after the "Munyu Revolution." And this also makes Japan feel like sitting on a needle. If it is said that the "Munwu military coup" caused Japan to "passively" adjust its policy toward the DPRK, then the "Jiashen coup" is obviously a Japanese response to the situation where the Japanese and Qing forces have disappeared. . Japan, backed by its force, tried to instigate a North Korean pro-Japanese coup, but it was met with the same force by the Qing government. Although the military forces headed by Xixiang Congdao advocated taking tough measures against the Qing, as far as strength and public opinion were concerned, Japan clearly had a hard time winning the war. Hiroshi Ito also insisted on handling the negotiations with the DPRK first, and held that "on the basis of the peaceful settlement of the North Korean issue, on the basis of this, a peace-seeking policy should also be adopted in the Qing negotiations." The policy of "pursuit of peace" was also adhered to by Ito Hirofumi and Inoue Inoue, which became the leading policy for negotiating the Qing. Before Ito Hirofumi set off for Tianjin, Inoue Ino issued a directive as a secretary of state, emphasizing "I Focusing on the reconciliation between Japan and Qing ...... for the future, the aftermath should be resolved through business negotiation. " Sanji Shimei also as the Minister of the Politics, "Each Emperor of the Emperor's Inquisition", said that "the matter of negotiations with foreign countries is of great significance, the current situation of each country and the future development of the situation still need to be observed, it is not wrong The country always plans to negotiate and take the right direction to the good of all neighbors. " We need to calm people's hearts and guard against "light moves". After Ito Bowen went to Qing, both China and Japan signed the “Tianjin Conference Articles” on the premise of certain concessions, stipulating that “In the future, if there is a major incident in the North Korean country, China or Japan or one country will send troops. First write and know each other's photos, and their decisions will still be withdrawn and no longer stay in defense. " The Japanese side has thus obtained the right to "jointly protect North Korea." However, "after the pro-Japanese enlightenment was swept away, it was no longer necessary for the Qing to maintain its sovereignty in South Korea. ...... The simultaneous withdrawal of the two armies actually means that the Japanese power is relatively weakened. "
Just as Japan used the opportunity of Britain and Russia to maintain "restraint" with each other to intervene in the Korean peninsula, Russia also established the policy of "taking advantage of the Chingcheong conflict and occupying a harbor in South Korea" (37). Due to rumors that Russia used the "Korean-Russian Secret Agreement" to occupy Yongxing Bay, and in response to Russia's occupation of Afghanistan, the British fleet occupied North Korea's Juwen Island in April 1885 in an attempt to use it as a base to block the Russian Pacific fleet. After Juwen Island was occupied by Britain, Shinoue Inoue deeply felt that this was "the best opportunity for Russia to intervene in North Korea", and believed that "Japan's offshore waters have become the focus of this competition, and East Asian peace cannot be guaranteed." The Qing government took advantage of the opportunity to resolve the "Juwen Island Incident" and directly negotiated with the United Kingdom as the sovereign state of the DPRK. As a result, the United Kingdom "changed its previous ambiguous attitude towards the relationship between China and North Korea and gave it public recognition ... The international situation surrounding the patriarchal relationship between China and North Korea has begun to benefit China. " In response, Inoue had to propose to Li Hongzhang the "Eight Acts of North Korea" in his personal name, hoping to get coordination with the Qing government on North Korean affairs. Some Japanese scholars believe that the "Eight Methods of North Korea" is "the tacit sovereignty of the Qing empire over North Korea. It is proposed that the Qing government should take the lead and put North Korea under the joint protection of Japan and Qing to resist Russian invasion." The Qing government, which had gained an edge on North Korea, rejected Inoue's proposal. With the settlement of the "Jiashen Incident" and the "Juwen Island Incident", Japan's envisaged "positive policy" and "negative policy" towards the DPRK were bankrupted one after another. Japan ’s power in the DPRK was severely hit. Japan has completely lost its "first mover" and "active" status in North Korea, and the illusion of "North Korea's independent state" as described by Japan cannot be established.
Head-to-head confrontation between Japan and Russia
The outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 was the result of the intensification of the Sino-Japanese conflict surrounding the Korean issue to an irreconcilable situation. As mentioned earlier, in the ten years after the Jiashen coup, Japan lost its initiative in North Korea, and the contradictions between Japan and the Qing developed in a direction beneficial to the Qing. For Japan, waging war is almost the only way to reverse its passive situation. After the "Valley Order", the Emperor approved the War Base Camp Regulations on May 19, 1893. The promulgation of the regulations "specifically shows that the army is scheduled to go to war soon." The preparations for the past ten years have also made the Japanese government have "optimistic" expectations for the outcome of the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895.
Compared to Japan, the Qing government had underestimated the possibility of war and it was impossible to talk about war preparations. As the war broke out, Russia also expressed great concern over Japan's attempts to wage war to change the state of the Korean peninsula. Prior to the official declaration of war between China and Japan, the Russian Minister in Russia, Hitrow, formally made an inquiry to Mutsu Zongguang on the instructions of the Russian government, stating that "The Chinese government has requested Russia to mediate the dispute between China and Japan. Therefore, if the Chinese government withdraws its troops stationed in North Korea, does the Japanese government also agree to withdraw its troops? "Lu Ozongguang said that the condition for the withdrawal was that the Qing government agreed that China and Japan would be jointly responsible for reforming North Korea's internal affairs, and if the Qing government Unwilling to assume the responsibility of reforming North Korea's internal affairs, the Japanese government must implement it alone. On June 30, Russia issued a formal note to Japan, stating that "the Korean government has complied with the envoys of various countries to enlist the envoys of various countries, and asked the envoys of various countries to assist in requesting the withdrawal of troops by China and Japan. The Russian government advised Japan to accept North Korea's request. After receiving this note, Lu Aozongguang went to Ito Bowen's official residence to discuss the matter and reached an agreement on refusing to withdraw his troops. Later, Mutsutsutsutsu told the German Minister Erjiro in Russia, saying that "the Minister and Itohiro agree, Japan will never accept the exposition of Russia." In fact, prior to this, Mutsu Zongguang had received reports that, in terms of Russia's military strength in Siberia, it was impossible for Russia to make a concrete and fierce response to Japan's war action in North Korea, which also became Japan's decisive launch of the Jiawu One of the reasons for the war.
After the outbreak of the war, as Japan's military victory continued, the great powers' vigilance against Japan's movements also deepened. After Dashanyan led the Japanese Second Army to land in Shandong in January 1895, the defeat of the Qing government was almost a foregone conclusion. At this time, Russia, which has the same interests as Japan in the relationship between the Qing government and North Korea, did not want any "victory attempt" by the victorious side, and the continued development of the war, for Russia in the Far East The interests of the region, especially Northeast China, will inevitably be greatly damaged. In view of this, Russia, which had rejected the Qing government's formal mediation request before the war, also began to try to understand the conditions of the Japanese truce. In February 1895, the Russian Foreign Ministry proposed to Japan that if Japan issued a declaration recognizing North Korea's nominal and de facto independence, the Russian government was willing to advise the Qing government to send a full envoy to Japan for negotiations. On February 24, Russian Minister to the Japanese Hitrotovo visited Mutsu Zongguang, saying that he had received a telegram from his government, "It is learned that Japan hopes that the Qing Dynasty will be able to send conditions that can include North Korea's independence, compensation, land concessions and other conditions. Diplomatic Envoys to the Relations Treaty ... If the Japanese government announces recognition of North Korea ’s independence in name and in fact, our government should persuade the Qing government to send a full envoy to Japan including the aforementioned conditions ", stating that Russia recognizes" Korean independence "as a Japan-China peacemaker The basics. It is Russia ’s established policy to ensure North Korea ’s “independence.” For Japan ’s cessation of land from China, Russia hopes that Japan will limit its quest for cessation to Taiwan. As early as the end of 1894, Htrovo hinted in a personal capacity that Mutsutsuka Kuang said, "Russia has no objection to the Japanese occupation of Taiwan." Before the aforementioned Russian government formally proposed to use North Korea's "independence" as the "advisory" condition for the Qing government to send a plenipotentiary envoy to Japan for peace, on February 14, 1895, Hitero again emphasized in his private capacity, "Japan demanded the cessation of Taiwan Russia has no objection to this. If Japan abandons its status as an island nation and expands its territory to the mainland, it is definitely not the best policy. " Faced with the fact that North Korea's "independence" has become a boat, "Russian interests" have more clearly pointed to Northeast China. Japan must not allow Russia to acquire "land cuts" in northeast China through war. Prior to this, the Russian government also made a decision at the Second Far East Policy Conference on February 1. "First, strengthen Russia's fleet in the Pacific and make Russia's naval power in the Pacific as strong as possible. Japan; second, to reach an agreement with the United Kingdom and other European powers, mainly France, and if the Japanese government and China conclude a peace treaty, the requirements put forward will infringe Russia's interests, and they will put pressure on Japan together. " After learning that Japan ’s proposal and conditions included the secession of the Liaodong Peninsula, on April 6, Russian Foreign Minister Robertov stated that "the conditions of the peace agreement proposed by Japan are undoubtedly their complete occupation. The peninsula where Lushunkou is located; such occupations will often threaten Beijing and even threaten to declare independence; at the same time, in the interest of our country, such occupations are the most uncomfortable fact. " At a special meeting on foreign policy in the Far East held on April 11, Foreign Minister Robertov also said, "Under any circumstances, Japan's friendship cannot be counted on. It will not only fight against China, but also against Russia. It ’s for all Europe. After the Japanese occupation of Nanman, the Japanese will never stop there, and will undoubtedly advance colonization northward. In addition, Witte also emphasized at the meeting that “the reason why Japan went to war is that we started building西伯利亚铁道的后果。欧洲列强及日本大概都意识到不久的将来要瓜分中国,他们认为,在瓜分之时,由于西伯利亚铁道,我们的机会将大大增加。日本的敌对行动主要是针对我们的……假使我们现在让日本人进人满洲,要保护我们的领土及西伯利亚铁道,就需要数十万军队及大大增强我们的海军,因为我们迟早一定会与日本人发生冲突”。也正如维特的推测,日清矛盾的地位随着清政府的战败以及朝鲜的“独立”而逐渐让位于日俄矛盾。而对于日俄于将来可能发生冲突一事,早在甲午战争爆发之前的1890年,山县有朋在提出其著名的“我邦利益线之焦点实在朝鲜”之论时,就已经声称“西伯利亚铁路竣工之时,自露(俄)都出发,十数日即可饮马黑龙江。对吾人而言,西伯利亚铁路完成之时,既朝鲜多事之秋也”。俄日两帝国的相互警惕,也使得其后的日俄战争与其说是甲午战争的延续,莫如说甲午战争是日俄战争的序曲。而此时甲午战争尚未终结,暗流涌动之下,日俄双方皆已经蓄势待发。中国的东北地区,成为两国争逐的焦点。
但对于日本来说,俄国对于中国东北地区的关注并不是其考虑如何攫取甲午战争胜利果实的主要出发点,此时的日本,朝野内外“对于中国的割让唯欲其大,发扬帝国的光辉唯欲其多这一点,几乎是一致的”。军队之中,更是主张“辽东半岛是我国军队流血牺牲夺取来的……而且辽东半岛既控制朝鲜的侧背,又扼北京的咽喉,为国家前途久远之计,绝不可不归我领有”。一方面出于对国内舆论民情的回应,另一方面,中国东北,尤其是辽东半岛的战略价值也早为日本所觊觎。为此,日本决意占有辽东半岛。这一企图令日本与俄国的矛盾愈发凸显。在获悉日本正式提出割让奉天南部之后,俄国立刻向日本表达了强烈不满。在与俄国公使会面之后,林董外务次官向陆奥宗光报告称,“与露(俄)国公使面晤,该公使对日本政府要求(清政府)割让奉天省南部之事颇为不快,并声称就其个人意见而言,日本之要求必会伤害欧洲各国之感情,予欧洲各国干涉之口实”。在彼此协调之后,4月23日下午,俄、德、法三国公使又同时向日本政府正式表示对中日条约中割让辽东半岛一项表示异议的备忘录。俄国在备忘录中称“露(俄)国皇帝陛下之政府,查阅日本向清国提出之媾和条约,其要求中有辽东半岛割与日本所有之项,此件非但将使威慑清国之都成为常态,同时朝鲜之独立亦有名无实。上述之情形,将为远东永久和平之障碍。露(俄)国政府为向日本国皇帝陛下之政府再次重申其诚实与友谊之故,兹劝告日本政府明确放弃领有辽东半岛一事”。法国与德国也通过备忘录的形式表达了相同的对朝鲜“独立”以及远东和平的担忧。对于可能招致列强不满,甚至引发干涉的局面,日本政府在事先亦有预想,但如同陆奥宗光在同一日稍早时候给伊藤博文的电报中所称那样,“据青木(青木周藏,时任驻德公使)、西两公使电报获悉,来自欧洲各大国之强力干涉,已不可避免……此无非是倘若我政府最初向欧洲大国提出我之条件所必然招致之干涉延迟至今日而已。我政府既已成骑虎之势,无论如何危险,除维持如今之立场,示人以一步不让之姿外,别无他策”。对于日本来说,此时做出让步,放弃割地,甲午战争的主要“胜果”立时化为灰烬,果若如此,“即使我当局者为国家长久计忍受内心无限的痛苦,有决心承担将来的难局,但此变化一旦对外发表,将使我国陆海军人员如何激动,我国国民又将如何失望?即使能够减轻外来的危机,但从内部发生的变动又将如何抑制?实已处在内外两难之间,不知轻重何在”。
24日,广岛大本营立刻就此事召开会议,会议商定三个方案,“其一:断然拒绝三国之劝告,此种情况之下,当有与三国以兵力决雌雄之觉悟……其二:撤却对于金州半岛(辽东半岛)之占领,将条约交由各国会议协商,此种情况之下,如何会议,于何地何时会议,仍需与三国公使谈判商定……其三:全然接受三国之劝告,将(还辽)视为我之恩惠,以确保中国政府对于其他条件完全施行”。伊藤博文等人虽较为倾向与第二套方案,但从外交实务角度出发,陆奥宗光认为,中日换约迫在眉睫,长期彷徨于和战之间徒增变数,各国出于各自立场,必于会议之间提出种种条件,这无异于招致欧洲各国新的干涉。鉴于此,日本方面将此时的外交方针确定为,“对于三国纵使最后不能不完全让步,但对于中国则一步不让”。4月29日,陆奥宗光又接到驻俄公使西德二郎的电报,电报中称,“近期与露(俄)国外交大臣曾长时间面谈……俄国之所以反对我于大陆的割地要求,根本在于,其认为一旦日本于辽东半岛获得优良军港,日本之势力发展必不限于该半岛之内,日本将来必会向朝鲜全国及满洲北部丰饶之地大举殖民。上述之地久之必成日本之屏藩。俄国之领土势必从海陆两方面受其威慑。由此,日本政府相信,对于俄国,“我国如无以武力一绝胜负的决心,单凭外交上的折冲是不起什么作用的”。同样觊觎中国东北的日俄两国,双方的意图均已摆在桌面之上,日俄矛盾已是不通过战争无法解决的了。而此时在军事力量上居于下风的日本,除了还辽一途,也别无他法。
宗藩体制的最终崩溃
日朝矛盾的产生,是宗藩体系与条约体系两种不同国际秩序碰撞的结果。虽然日本强行以条约的形式重建日朝国交,但是这一矛盾并未随着日本逼迫朝鲜签订空有“平等”之名的条约而宣告终结。相反,日本在朝鲜半岛表现出的咄咄逼人的态势,不但损害了朝鲜的利益,也颠覆了东北亚国家内部间近300年的和平局面。日本与清政府的矛盾不断激化,双方实力此消彼长,最终导致了甲午战争的爆发。
在这一过程中,日本始终保持着对俄戒备、与俄争雄的意识,日本的大陆政策与俄国的远东政策遂产生直接冲突。日本对于朝鲜、进而对中国东北地区的野心,随着甲午战争的胜利而逐渐暴露出来。俄国在默认朝鲜“独立”之余,坚决要将日本阻挡在亚洲大陆之外。日俄双方争夺的焦点从朝鲜转移到中国东北,至此,继日朝、日清矛盾之后,日俄矛盾逐渐成为左右东北亚国际关系走向的主要基点。从这个意义上说,甲午战争与1904年的日俄战争有着千丝万缕的联系。
而19世纪末20世纪初的东北亚地区,各国围绕着朝鲜以及中国东北所展开的争夺也令中、日、朝、俄诸国间的关系变动不居,彼此牵连,头绪万端。时至今日,东北亚地区国家间虽然经贸关系密切,人员往来频繁,但是仍然存在着军事对峙、领土纠纷等诸多棘手问题,而其中有的本来就是近代暨甲午战争以来遗留的问题。有鉴于此,在东北亚时局错综复杂的当下,重新梳理和审视这段历史,总结其中的经验教训,无疑具有学术价值和现实意义,对于建设稳定而协调的东北亚地区国际关系也不无裨益。
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